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</html>";s:4:"text";s:5224:"And while Sparta, as an oligarchy, was firmly opposed to democratic governance on principle, it eschewed ideological crusades. The History of the Peloponnesian War has been divided into the following sections: The First Book [245k] The Second Book [190k] The Third Book [187k] The Fourth Book [220k] Click anywhere in the Od. The Spartan military assembly then immediately voted for war. In late 432, the Spartan king Archidamus and a group of Athenian envoys had agreed that war between Sparta and Athens would be mutually disastrous. The English classicist Francis Macdonald Cornford observed how centrally “the constant menace of revolt” figured in its decision-making: “To meet this danger, and not for the purposes of conquest, their military system was designed and maintained.”[5] Sparta spared no measure to achieve domestic tranquility: the University of British Columbia’s Nigel Kennell observes that it “regularly sent young elite soldiers out into the countryside as armed death squads to murder any helot they found on the roads after dark or any working in the fields they thought too robust.”[6]. On balance, though, he concludes that it “did not grow between 445 and 435.”[9], Second, Sparta does not appear to have been as concerned about Athenian capabilities as proponents of Thucydides’s account suggest. Helots are served excessive alcohol by the Spartans so their drunken behavior serves as an object lesson for Spartan youth. According to the late British classicist A. W. Gomme, it had concluded that “Athens was not too powerful on land and was reasonably quiet.”[10] Kagan corroborates this assessment, noting that “the Spartans…seem not to have been unduly afraid of Athenians, at least until the crisis had developed very far.”[11] Some scholars actually think that Kagan understates Spartan confidence. Hide browse bar Your current position in the text is marked in blue. As Cornford’s judgment implies, however, fear of a slave revolt did more than influence Sparta’s approach to internal order; it was instrumental in shaping the city-state’s foreign policy, for an external antagonist—or even mere opportunist—could attempt to turn the helots against Sparta’s leaders. 9.1", "denarius"). Far from being incidental to the Spartan polis, slavery was among its central characteristics. A “postmodernist” Thucydides Header Image: Pottery showing a Greek battle. Frank Hoffman argued recently that observers should evaluate Thucydides’s account of the Peloponnesian War with skepticism: “Like any historian,” he explains, “Thucydides had to create a framework for the war and had to select facts, weigh sources, and arrange a narrative. Sparta had already been struggling mightily to contain its slaves prior to the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. "What I would prefer is that you should fix your eyes every day on the greatness of Athens as she really is, and should fall in love with her. According to political scientist Richard Lebow, for example, Sparta believed it could “invade Attica, overwhelm the Athenians in a single battle, dictate the terms of settlement, and return home to bask in the glory of their victory.”[12], Third, if Sparta were gravely concerned about Athenian power, it exhibited an incongruous dispassion. As time progressed, however, Athens became unsatisfied with merely extoling its political system; it sought to export democracy and employed increasingly violent means to do so. Soon, however, Sparta asked the Athenian contingent to leave, fearing that the democratic ideology of its members might encourage further helot subversion: British historian Paul Cartledge explains that “[t]he Spartans simply did not want several thousands of democratically minded citizen-soldiers running loose among their Greek servile underclass in their tightly controlled territory.”[8], The chief rebuttal to the argument presented here is that, per Thucydides’s famous formulation, Sparta was more concerned about growing Athenian power than about a slave revolt. Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War ("Agamemnon", "Hom. (19). (G. Dagli Orti|Getty Images), [1] Daniela Huber, Democracy Promotion and Foreign Policy: Identity and Interests in U.S., EU, and Non-Western Democracies (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014): p. 8, [2] Victor Davis Hanson, A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War (New York: Random House, 2006): p. 13, [3] Donald Kagan, On the Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace (New York: Anchor Books, 1996): p. 19, [4] Stephen Hodkinson, “Spartiates, helots, and the direction of the agrarian economy: toward an understanding of helotage in comparative perspective,” chapter in Enrico Dal Lago and Constantina Katsari (eds. "Painting of "Pericles' Funeral Oration" by Philipp Foltz (Wikimedia). Od. ), Slave Systems: Ancient and Modern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008): p. 285, [5] Francis Macdonald Cornford, Thucydides Mythistoricus (London: Edward Arnold, 1907): p. 9, [6] Nigel M. Kennell, Spartans: A New History (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010): p. 84, [7] This quote is historian Peter Hunt’s paraphrase of Ducat. ";s:7:"keyword";s:32:"thucydides the peloponnesian war";s:5:"links";s:4011:"<a href="http://digiprint.coding.al/site/page.php?tag=41e064-infinitive-verb-in-spanish">Infinitive Verb In Spanish</a>,
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