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</html>";s:4:"text";s:7819:"Indian University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, pp. /Parent 2 0 R Archives Européenes de Sociologie 15, 55–81. Although most anthropologists feel uneasy with the idea that so-called world religions such as Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, and Hinduism can be regarded as autonomous systems, there has been a move in recent decades for researchers to identify themselves as ethnographers of a particular religion. Mahmood’s Politics of Piety (2005) focuses on a women’s movement in the mosques of Cairo. He observed that religi… As Needham puts the problem: “The Penan had no formal creed, and … they had no other conventional means for expressing belief in their God. pX�mU��7Lx�iO�A�d�ڲ�@Is��o����^h��f��%$_=��z�p�)S�)#��)�1��'e�1t���@ց#R��
�W�X���Eo��]Ո1��>�3�;$=�o#���Ep�����_�0N����*ѥ���D5�u�4��hۛ�hk��d��+ r�� Separation rites and rites of incorporation expunge the initiate’s original vitality; but what Bloch calls the rebounding violence of transcendental conquest is contained in the return to everyday life, as the person is transformed from being prey into being a hunter – into a state where the powerful transcendent element inherited from the ritual dominates the person’s identity. 1–18. /F3 12 0 R Van Gennep argued that ritual has particular significance during critical periods of transition in the life-cycle, such as attainment of adulthood, marriage, and death. Turner, V., Turner, E., 1978. As a result of this skill, humans have perhaps also become prone to seeing intention in events, to see them as guided by a controlling force, such as a divinity. Luhrmann traces the gradual emergence of commitment to magical ideas among practitioners who have easy access to alternative modes of thought, and who may deploy very different systems of rationality in their work lives. /ProcSet [/PDF /Text ] They propose the existence of a distinctly Muslim public sphere located at the intersections of religious, political, and social life, operating outside formal state control. (Eds. Csordas, T., 1997. Routledge, New York. In Purity and Danger (1966), Douglas (a student of Evans-Pritchard at Oxford, and like him a Roman Catholic) explored Western as well as non-Western contexts. His piece describes a ritualized tribute paid by the writer V.S. %���� Within Anglo-Saxon anthropological circles, Mary Douglas’s combination of British empiricism and French structuralism resulted in some highly influential work on the function of the body as social and religious symbol. Turner finds particular inspiration in considering the ‘liminal,’ threshold-like section of rites of passage, arguing that they represent reversals of everyday structure and draw on powerful ritual symbolism, such as that of death, to symbolize the end of the old status. Saler (2000: p. ix) asserts that “Religion is a Western folk category that contemporary Western scholars have appropriated.” A similarly skeptical view is maintained by Maurice Bloch, who notes (2010: p. 4): “‘Religion’ is a word that can only refer to a series of historically created situations which, although continually changing, have unique and specific genealogies closely linked to the Abrahamic religions. Another book published in the 1960s, Lévi-Strauss’s La Pensée Sauvage (1966: ‘The Savage Mind’), denies that non-Western mental abilities are inherently inferior to those of Western readers, even if attitudes toward abstract thought may differ. 1, 2). In: Henn, A., Koepping, K.-P. Blackwell, Oxford. Evans-Pritchard’s classic study of the Azande retains much of its power because his argument is rooted in analysis of both social relations and modes of thought. Her main argument is that, for the Ewe, the Devil forms a hybrid figure, expressing people’s obsessions with occult forces as a way to mediate the attractions and discontents of modernity. Attempts to produce a sustainable, universal definition of religion have prompted much debate. Allen & Unwin, London. Gerholm, T., 1988. Redefining Muslim publics. Nevertheless, I had been accustomed to say … that they believed in a supreme god..Yet it suddenly appeared that I had no linguistic evidence at all to this effect” (Needham, 1972: pp. More recently, religious communities have taken advantage of, and helped to constitute, the globalization of culture. Joel Robbins (2004, 2007) examines the conversion to Pentecostal Christianity of the Urapmin of Papua New Guinea, and shows how even the apparent assimilation of Christian categories can conceal a more complex relationship to belief than might at first appear. The book assesses the logic and consistency of Azande modes of thought, and indicates how they might be translated into the understandings of a Western readership. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. 131–171. But as R.R. In other words religion is not a natural kind, by which I mean a category that has a basis other than that given by an arbitrary definition.”. Columbia University Press, New York. Examining interactions between ‘traditional’ and Christian missionary beliefs and practices in colonial and postcolonial contexts, they show how Zionist churches have provided Tshidi with forms of identity, realized in part through new Christian idioms, which have allowed them to adapt or subvert structures of colonial and capitalist authority. Keane, W., 2007. Similar worries are taken up by Rodney Needham in Belief, Language and Experience (1972). African traditional thought and western science. More recently, the emergence of Christianity as an explicit object of study has contributed to and resonated with many current concerns of anthropology, including globalization, reflexivity, and postcolonialism. Geertz, C., 1973. A leading figure in the move toward a more phenomenological view of the body has been the American anthropologist Thomas Csordas (1997), in his studies of healing, language use, and spatial orientation among charismatic Catholics in America. Csordas has presented a sense of the body as both ‘self ’ and ‘not-self, ’ both subject and object, but also the very grounding of the human experience of culture. It argues that a focus on such questions as rationality and ritual was central to the emergence of the discipline. Other authors in the Durkheimian school provided significant perspectives on the physical workings and symbolism of the body. These approaches Henn characterizes as “normative,” “intelligible” and “dialectic,” respectively (Alexander Henn, 2008: p. 11). American Ethnologist 26, 279–303. Horton, R., 1970. The comparative study of religion formed a central building block of anthropology as the discipline emerged in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The pigeon word ‘bilip’ is widely used by Urapmin, but it means something specific. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Evans-Pritchard’s Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1937). The emphasis on observable reality also informed Bronislaw Malinowski’s stress not on the evolution of religion, but on the importance of fieldwork in discerning the contemporary societal and psychological rationale behind ritual and magic. >> In contrast to Frazer’s evolutionary assumptions and reliance on scattered examples drawn from around the world, Evans-Pritchard focuses on a single African case study, showing interrelations among religious, social, and political aspects of Azande life. (Ed. Ethnos 53, 190–203. California University Press, Berkeley. Continuity thinking and the problem of Christian culture: belief, time and the anthropology of Christianity. ";s:7:"keyword";s:46:"theories of origin of religion in anthropology";s:5:"links";s:943:"<a href="http://testapi.diaspora.coding.al/topics/shortbread-cookies-with-jam-efd603">Shortbread Cookies With Jam</a>,
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